DESPITE weeks of agitation over a controversial clause that makes the electronic transmission of election results optional, President Bola Tinubu finally signed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2026 into law on February 18, 2026.
Following this, the Independent National Electoral Commission rolled out the long-awaited revised timetable for the 2027 general elections four days ago. According to the new
timetable, the country should have a new President in waiting after January 16, 2027. Incumbent and aspiring federal legislators will also know their fate on the same date, while governorship and state Houses of Assembly polls will be held on February 6.
Though the new schedule addressed widespread concerns that the previous February dates would coincide with Muslims’ 2027 Ramadan, the time frame for activities lined up under what appears to me as a crash programme, is a source of worry, particularly for a nation that probably has the world’s gold medal in electoral fraud.
Experts have said, and I agree, that the credibility of an election depends on an authentic voter register, patriotic and incorruptible poll workers, a level playing field for political parties, including the different categories of contenders, and an impartial umpire, among others. But as I write, what is on the ground, ahead of the much-anticipated general elections, which will hold in just 10 months, cannot tick 50 per cent of all the boxes.
The African Democratic Congress and some other fairly known opposition parties have rejected the revised election timetable on the grounds that the new schedule and legal requirements could make it almost impossible for opposition parties to field candidates for the polls.
The ADC, which appears to be the main opposition voice, currently, following the virtually irredeemable Peoples Democratic Party’s leadership crisis, described the provisions of the new law as booby traps designed to weaken opposition participation in the elections.
“What the law expects us to do is that within the next 32 days or so, we will have a digitalised membership register in all the 36 states of the federation that we will be able to submit to INEC while giving them notice of our congresses or conventions. It is almost practically impossible for us to do this,” the party’s spokesperson, Bolaji Abdullahi, said.
Yes, the opposition might have been “dribbled” to confusion, considering the requirements they must meet and rules to comply with, even as regards party primaries slated for less than eight weeks. The ruling party might have also had a heads-up, which propelled it into action a long time ago, but I would blame the opposition for leaving the most important step to bicker over what should be left for later.
Leaders of the opposition adopted the ADC about eight months ago. If the party was adopted primarily as a vehicle for resetting the Nigerian economy in line with the demands of citizens, and not just as a platform to actualise some lifelong ambition, the first assignment of the drivers of the coalition should have been to put in place a contemporary and all-encompassing membership register.
It is actually disappointing that, over the years, opposition leaders have continued to whine, rather than act, in situations where actions could clearly upset the prevailing order and restore the confidence of Nigerians in the nation’s democracy. When celebrated opposition figures hold on to the illusion of forcing a desired change through protests and refuse to tackle a ruling party’s perceived dominance with creativity and unconventionality, voter apathy becomes inevitable.
Among the names flying as potential opponents to the incumbent President in the 2027 presidential election, no name strikes me as a possible messiah, nor do I align with proponents of continuity. My undiluted interest is in sustained economic growth, driven by the right leaders. But how do the right leaders emerge when electoral system anomalies, uncoordinated opposition and voter apathy continue to pave the way for economic marauders and “sit-tight” politicians to dictate policy direction across the states and at the centre?
Despite the improved 3.87 per cent Gross Domestic Product growth in 2025, strong capital market performance, moderating inflation, exchange rate stability and strong external reserves, six out of 10 Nigerians still believe that they are worse off under the current administration.
Therefore, while I acknowledge the fact that the current APC-led government has embarked on bold but painful corrections in an inherited troubled economy, the composition of the President’s cabinet, largely made up of non-performing career politicians, has apparently diluted the impact of interventions that should have been accepted across party lines as laudable reforms.
The prevalence of unrestrained leakages, stealing by disguise and lack of development-oriented governance at the state and local government levels have also deepened poverty despite over 200 per cent increased allocation from the federation account.
This is why patriotic citizens, who have continued to push for a level playing field for politicians aspiring to rule at all levels, cannot be happy when those who have “threatened” to provide alternatives tend not to be organised enough to move a stone, let alone a mountain.
Rather than blame the ruling party for an unfavourable situation that can still be remedied, the opposition should sit up now and provide an alternative platform that can give voters some semblance of power.
Public officials in advanced democracies are so mindful of the enormous power that the right to vote confers on citizens that they strive hard to impress the electorate right from their first day in office. But in climes like ours, (s)elected officials would rather fight everyone to impress the kingmakers than chase re-election through a widely acclaimed strong performance.
I remember in 2007, while on a responsible governance programme at Michigan State University, United States, the first female Governor of the state, Democrat Jennifer Granholm, had proposed increased taxes to finance the next budget, following complaints of a fall in standards of living, rather than cut government spending. Legislators were therefore torn between supporting the governor and voting for a tax increase, and aligning with the ‘no tax raise’ position of those who voted them into power. The slogan then was: “Vote for a tax increase, and you are on your way back home”.
From my interactions with federal, state and county officials, and in particular, with Granholm, it was clear that, unlike in Nigeria where legislators would have been pocketed by their state governors, the Michigan legislators were not ready to disappoint their constituents because of the potency of the recall mechanism and the need to secure the support of the electorate ahead of the next elections.
Eventually, the issues were resolved in the interest of the Michigan economy by x-raying the necessary considerations and eliminating political sentiments. But one thing had been established – No political party or kingmaker had more influence than voters in such advanced democracies.
I want to be optimistic that this can still happen in Nigeria. We cannot continue to indulge non-performing sit-tight politicians at the expense of real economic growth. An incumbent office holder should only be able to fly the continuity kite if a considerable percentage of previous election promises have been met, while a contender must prove, beyond whining, that he can do better.
- Dr Kolapo is publisher of The Point and her column, Compass, runs on the back page of the Punch newspaper on Monday. The column appears on News Point Nigeria newspaper on Tuesday.